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Support Black Republican Candidates

 The Democrats every election cycle like to brag about how Republicans have no black reprensenation in the congress or the Senate.

Today you have the power pull out your credit card and smash the Democrats teeth in with just 25 bucks.


ALABAMA

Jeffery Ray Jones for Alabama Senate District 33


Tim Bryson for Probate Judge of Walker County

ARKANSAS

Chris Morris for Arkansas State Treasurer

Alphonso Nation, Arkansas Representative District 6

AMERICAN SAMOA

Amata Aumua for US Congress


CALIFORNIA

Raymond L. Chukwu, US Congress (CA-15th)


COLORADO

Senator Ed Jones re-elect to Colorado State Senate District 11

DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA

Marcus Skelton for At-Large City Council

Tony Williams for DC Council Ward 6

Dennis Moore For Mayor

FLORIDA

Representative Jennifer S. Carroll to re-elect to FL House District 13

Eddie Adams, Jr. for US Congress (FL 11)

Ken Anthony for Hillsborough County Commission District 3

Donald Foy for Florida House District 14

Willis "K.C." Bowick for Florida House District 59


Armando R. Grundy-Gomés for Escambia Soil and Water Board, Group 2


Glorious J. Johnson - Re-elect to Jacksonville City Council, Group 5, At Large
Art Graham - Candidate for Jacksonville City Council, District 13

GEORGIA

Representative Melvin Everson re-elect to Georgia House District 106Representative

Willie Talton re-elect to Georgia House District 145

Deborah Honeycutt For US Congress (GA 13th)


Catherine Davis For US Congress (GA 4th)


Mary Wilhite For Georgia House District 22

ILLINOIS

Eric Wallace, PhD for Illinois State Senate District 19

Marc A. Wiley for Illinois State House District 80


Karl J. Cook for Illinois State House District 38

INDIANA

Eric Dickerson for US Congress (IN-7)

LOUISIANA

Benita Williams Scott for Assessor 5th Municipal District

(Algiers)David Parker for District E in New Orleans

Harold Williams for East Baton Rouge School Board

MARYLAND

Lt. Governor Michael Steele for US Senate


Ron Miller for Maryland Senate 27th district


Rene Swafford, Anne Arundel County Council Candidate


Monifais Tarjamo,Charles County Commissioner


Loretta Gaffney, Maryland House of Delegates District 13


Corey W. Pack, Candidate for the County Council of Talbot County


Clarence W. Bell, Jr., candidate for Baltimore County Executive


MASSACHUSETTS

Bob Parks for Massachusetts State House 2nd Franklin District

MICHIGAN
Senator Bill Hardiman re-elect to Michigan Senate District 29

Larry DeShazor for State Representative District 61

Charity Jones for State Representative District 6

Melvin Byrd for State Representative District 8

Joel Wilson for State Representative District 95

Edith Floyd for State Representative District 2

MINNESOTA


Obi Sium for US Congress (MN 4th)


Dan Williams, State Sentate District 54

MISSISSIPPI

Yvonne R. Brown for US Congress (MS-2)

MISSOURI

State Representative Sherman Parker for US Congress (MO-2)

NEVADA

Senator Maurice Wasington re-elect to Nevada Senate District 11

Lynette Boggs McDonald, Clark County Commission

NEW YORK

Jim Coleman for NY State Assembly 88th district

NORTH CAROLINA

Dr. Ada M. Fisher For US Congress (NC-12)


Vernon Robinson For US Congress (NC-13)

Olga Morgan Wright for General Assembly House District 58

Jim H Bention Sr., For North Carolina State House District 69


Frankie Roberts, North Carolina General Assemby District 18


Pearl Burris Floyd, re-elect as Gaston County Commissioner

OHIO

Secretary of State Ken Blackwell for Govenor of Ohio


Jimmie Hicks, Jr. For Ohio State House District 9


Don McLaurin, State Senate District 5


OREGON

Bruce Broussard for Oregon for US Congress (OR-3)

Senator Jackie Winters re-elect for Oregon State State District 10

Lynn Aiello for Oregon State Senator District 3

PENNSYLVANIA

Lynn Swann for Governor of Pennsylvania

Ron Holt for Pennsylvania State Senate District 4

RHODE ISLAND

Lloyd Monre for State Senate District 18

TENNESSEE

Novella Smith Arnold for Shelby County County Commission
Derrick Bennett for US Congress (TN 9th)

TEXAS

Michael Williams re-elect to Texas Railroad Commissioner

Ken Bryant for Texas House District 27

VERMONT

State Auditor Randolph D. Brock, III re-elect as State Auditor of Accounts

WISCONSIN
Rick Baas for State Representative

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Why Michael Steele Matters?

 

If you are a Republican and reading this take note if Steele wins then he is a blue print for winning elections in every democrat state...and to Democrats that's scary!

Danna Brazile Al Gores former campaign Manager said that the Democrats need to be on alert Ms. Brazile said. "Once again, this should serve as a wake-up call to Democrats not to take their most loyal constituents and voters for granted."


So please pull out you credit card ......and help a Brotha Out..we need our Obama!!

Peace Out......................
 
www.steeleformaryland.com



http://hiphoprepublican.com/

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GOP African American Gathering in DC

 

GOP African American Gathering in DC



http://www.theblackgop.com/
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"Wrap It Up" Has Failed The Black Community

 



Argues The Cultural Strategist, a black moderate-conservative blogger:
 
"The theory was that if the campaign could attract popular entertainers and athletes of the day to put forth the message to wear a condom or 'wrap it up' prior to having sex then the bond that these people have with our impressionable youth would have them to express more consciousness about the risks prior to engaging in sexual behavior. The popular mandate of 'No Judgmentalism' required that no pronouncements be made about who, how many nor the context in which sexual engagements took place, just that a prophylactic barrier be placed between you and your sex partner. Everyone is happy. Trade a micrometer of muted tactile stimulation that allowed you to 'keep your own body fluids to yourself' in exchange for an AIDS free life.

Years later we see that 'Wrap It Up' has failed. The HIV infection rate is pandemic within the Black communities. Metropolitan areas with high rates of African Americans are also blinking red on the AIDs warning map. Baltimore, Washington DC, Atlanta, New York City - all are infection hot spots.When the community activists are given voice to speak about the issue typically the first thing they run to is the 'race card'.

You might hear them say 'if this rate of HIV infection was present among White women a national alarm would be sounded'. This tried and true technique of racial shaming toward the government to have it step in to rescue their failed agenda invites the government in to the same bedrooms that they were once told to stay out of. When it comes to war and petroleum we so often hear the charge that 'our leaders have failed to ask us to SACRIFICE during our emergency'. Somehow this same philosophy of sacrifice, denying yourself from your selfish desires for the sake of a greater good was not included in the planning of 'Wrap It Up'."
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Antonin Scalia Quotes

 "If you think aficionados of a living Constitution want to bring you flexibility, think again. You think the death penalty is a good idea? Persuade your fellow citizens to adopt it. You want a right to abortion? Persuade your fellow citizens and enact it. That's flexibility."
-Antonin Scalia

What is a moderate interpretation of the text? Halfway between what it really means and what you'd like it to mean?”

 Antonin Scalia quote



“Abortion is off the democratic stage. Prohibiting it is unconstitutional, now and forever, coast to coast, until I guess we amend the Constitution.”
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Hitchens vs. Galloway - audio Online Debate

 
Hitchens vs. Galloway - audio Online

Debate


Listen Now Online debate: Hitchens vs. Galloway - audio

Here is the muche anticipated debate online!

Hitchens vs. Galloway - audiowindows media audio

:http://media2.ibctv.com/zheka/Htchens%20Vs.%20Galloway.wma
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Chipping Away At Number Of Imprisoned Black Males

 

Chipping Away At Number Of Imprisoned Black Males


Blacks comprise 62% of imprisoned drug offenders in America, though they are only 13% of the national population. One out of every 115 black males enters prison each year on a felony drug crime, according to the Bureau of Justice Statistics. And black youths are admitted to state correction facilities for drug offenses at 48 times the rate of white youths.

"There's an attitude of hopelessness and despair that many blacks have as a result of unemployment," says Arthur L. Burnett Sr., executive director of the National African American Drug Policy Coalition. "The only way we can cope with it is by starting with youngsters in the third grade, and that's what we're doing.

"The NAADPC, an umbrella group of 23 professional organizations, is spearheading an educational response with a 10-year goal to reduce the number of black inmates and double the number of black professionals. Among its key plans: an internship program to identify gifted eighth-graders in specific subject areas and pair them with black mentors in law, medicine, engineering and other fields.

"We're saying, let's go back to the ideas of Booker T. Washington," says Mr. Burnett, the first black magistrate, now retired, from the U.S. Magistrate in Washington, D.C. "Don't let's wait for government handouts. Let the black community come together in a spirit of self-reliance."Studies have seized on explanations for the disparity in treatment.

But most start in the courtroom, with the judicial distinction between crack and powder ocaine. "It's so much easier to arrest a crack dealer on the street rather than someone in a business suit who's selling pot and cocaine," says Kurt Schmoke, former Baltimore mayor and current dean of Howard University's Law School, who is leading a legislative effort to allow judges to sentence drug offenders on a case-by-case basis.My response: While I do believe that the War On Drugs - a losing battle - has only exacerbated the problem, the core of the issue stems from dyfunctional and typically fatherless homes with low values. And cool points to the NAADPC for citing Booker T. Washington's strategy.
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ABOUT BLACK AMERICANS - RELIGION

 

ABOUT BLACK AMERICANS - RELIGION



2004 Black Entertainment Television/CBS poll, 2003 & 2004 Pew Research Center surveys, 2003 Harris Poll,

2004 Religion and Ethics Newsweekly survey

71% Protestant, 15% non-denominational Christian, 7% Catholic, 4% no religion, 2% Muslim, 1% other

Evangelical Christian rate: 62% say Bible is God's literal word
Religious service attendance: 41% attend every week, 22% a few times a year, 19% once or twice a month, 12% almost every week, 6% never

96% believe in God

76% believe in the devil

86% believe in heaven

77% believe in hell

88% believe in Jesus Christ's resurrection

79% say soul survives after death

78% believe in the Virgin birth

90% believe in miracles

29% believe in reincarnation

Islam is fastest-growing religion (40% of U.S. Muslims are black)

USA has special protection from God: 58% yes, 28% no, 14% don't know

USA's strength & success is based on religious faith: 69% yes, 28% no

Must believe in God to be moral: 69% yes, 25% no

87% believe USA moral values are on the wrong track

Views of Muslim Americans: 58% favorable, 22% unfavorable, 20% don't know

Views of Muslims abroad: 52% favorable, 30% unfavorable, 18% don't know

Lessons of 9/11: 58% say religion has too little influence in the world, 22% say too much

42% believe Jews were responsible for Jesus' death

Israel fulfills biblical prophecy: 51% yes, 33% no, 16% don't know

How religion affects their vote: 26% frequently, 20% occasionally, 51% rarely

Proper for media to ask politicians about religion: 59% yes, 39% no

Should religious institutions express political views: 66% yes, 30% no

President Bush, religion, and policymaking: 56% relies too little on religion, 28% right amount, 8% too much

Consider not voting for president (can pick more than one): 51% atheists, 30% Muslim, 17%

Catholic, 12% Jewish, 10% evangelical Christian
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Che the Wold's Greatest T-Shirt Salesman

 

Che the Wold's Greatest T-Shirt Salesman



http://che-mart.com/

Che Guevara is the Great Salesman of Communism. He started his glamorous life by killing people who didn't buy his ideas of universal happiness and equality. Although this selling method worked well in South American and African countries, young Ernesto quickly realized that to conquer the world he had to learn other techniques.

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Marxist,Liberal Terroist Groups

 The media fails to mention the tons of leftist marxist groups from the left, here are just a few liberal hate groups. Many of them still see Che as a hero

National Liberation Army (ELN)—Colombia

Description

Marxist insurgent group formed in 1965 by urban intellectuals inspired by Fidel Castro and Che Guevara. Began a dialogue with Colombian officials in 1999 following a campaign of mass kidnappings—each involving at least one US citizen—to demonstrate its strength and continuing viability and force the Pastrana administration to negotiate. Peace talks between Bogotá and the ELN, started in 1999, continued sporadically through 2001 until Bogota broke them off in August, but resumed in Havana, Cuba, by year's end.

Activities

Kidnapping, hijacking, bombing, extortion, and guerrilla war. Modest conventional military capability. Annually conducts hundreds of kidnappings for ransom, often targeting foreign employees of large corporations, especially in the petroleum industry. Frequently assaults energy infrastructure and has inflicted major damage on pipelines and the electric distribution network.

Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC)

Description

Established in 1964 as the military wing of the Colombian Communist Party, the FARC is Colombia's oldest, largest, most capable, and best-equipped Marxist insurgency. The FARC is governed by a secretariat, led by septuagenarian Manuel Marulanda, a.k.a. "Tirofijo," and six others, including senior military commander Jorge Briceno, a.k.a. "Mono Jojoy." Organized along military lines and includes several urban fronts. In 2001, the group continued a slow-moving peace negotiation process with the Pastrana Administration that has gained the group several concessions, including a demilitarized zone used as a venue for negotiations.

Activities

Bombings, murder, kidnapping, extortion, hijacking, as well as guerrilla and conventional military action against Colombian political, military, and economic targets. In March 1999 the FARC executed three US Indian rights activists on Venezuelan territory after it kidnapped them in Colombia. Foreign citizens often are targets of FARC kidnapping for ransom. Has well-documented ties to narcotics traffickers, principally through the provision of armed protection.

Sendero Luminoso (Shining Path, or SL)

Description

Former university professor Abimael Guzman formed Sendero Luminoso in the late 1960s, and his teachings created the foundation of SL's militant Maoist doctrine. In the 1980s SL became one of the most ruthless terrorist groups in the Western Hemisphere; approximately 30,000 persons have died since Shining Path took up arms in 1980. Its stated goal is to destroy existing Peruvian institutions and replace them with a communist peasant revolutionary regime. It also opposes any influence by foreign governments, as well as by other Latin American guerrilla groups, especially the Tupac Amaru Revolutionary Movement (MRTA).

In 2001, the Peruvian National Police thwarted an SL attack against "an American objective", possibly the US Embassy, when they arrested two Lima SL cell members. Addtionally, Government authorities continued to arrest and prosecute active SL members, including, Ruller Mazombite, a.k.a. "Camarada Cayo", chief of the protection team of SL leader Macario Ala, a.k.a. "Artemio", and Evorcio Ascencios, a.k.a. "Camarada Canale", logistics chief of the Huallaga Regional Committee. Counterterrorist operations targeted pockets of terrorist activity in the Upper Huallaga River Valley and the Apurimac/Ene River Valley, where SL columns continued to conduct periodic attacks.

Activities

Conducted indiscriminate bombing campaigns and selective assassinations. Detonated explosives at diplomatic missions of several countries in Peru in 1990, including an attempt to car bomb the US Embassy in December. Peruvian authorities continued operations against the SL in 2001 in the countryside, where the SL conducted periodic raids on villages.

Tupac Amaru Revolutionary Movement (MRTA)

Description

Traditional Marxist-Leninist revolutionary movement formed in 1983 from remnants of the Movement of the Revolutionary Left, a Peruvian insurgent group active in the 1960s. Aims to establish a Marxist regime and to rid Peru of all imperialist elements (primarily US and Japanese influence). Peru's counterterrorist program has diminished the group's ability to carry out terrorist attacks, and the MRTA has suffered from infighting, the imprisonment or deaths of senior leaders, and loss of leftist support. In 2001, several MRTA members remained imprisoned in Bolivia.

Activities

Previously conducted bombings, kidnappings, ambushes, and assassinations, but recent activity has fallen drastically. In December 1996, 14 MRTA members occupied the Japanese Ambassador's residence in Lima and held 72 hostages for more than four months. Peruvian forces stormed the residence in April 1997 rescuing all but one of the remaining hostages and killing all 14 group members, including the remaining leaders. The group has not conducted a significant terrorist operation since and appears more focused on obtaining the release of imprisoned MRTA members.


Basque Fatherland and Liberty (ETA) a.k.a Euzkadi Ta Askatasuna

Description

Founded in 1959 with the aim of establishing an independent homeland based on Marxist principles in the northern Spanish Provinces of Vizcaya, Guipuzcoa, Alava, and Navarra, and the southwestern French Departments of Labourd, Basse-Navarra, and Soule.

Activities

Primarily involved in bombings and assassinations of Spanish Government officials, security and military forces, politicians, and judicial figures. ETA finances its activities through kidnappings, robberies, and extortion. The group has killed more than 800 persons and injured hundreds of others since it began lethal attacks in the early 1960s. In November 1999, ETA broke its "unilateral and indefinite" cease-fire and began an assassination and bombing campaign that has killed 38 individuals and wounded scores more by the end of 2001.

Revolutionary Nuclei a.k.a. Revolutionary Cells

Description

Revolutionary Nuclei (RN) emerged from a broad range of antiestablishment and anti-US/NATO/EU leftist groups active in Greece between 1995 and 1998. The group is believed to be the successor to or offshoot of Greece's most prolific terrorist group, Revolutionary People's Struggle (ELA), which has not claimed an attack since January 1995. Indeed, RN appeared to fill the void left by ELA, particularly as lesser groups faded from the scene. RN's few communiqués show strong similarities in rhetoric, tone, and theme to ELA proclamations. RN has not claimed an attack since November 2000.

Activities

Beginning operations in January 1995, the group has claimed responsibility for some two dozen arson attacks and explosive low-level bombings targeting a range of US, Greek, and other European targets in Greece. In its most infamous and lethal attack to date, the group claimed responsibility for a bomb it detonated at the Intercontinental Hotel in April 1999 that resulted in the death of a Greek woman and injured a Greek man. Its modus operandi includes warning calls of impending attacks, attacks targeting property vice individuals; use of rudimentary timing devices; and strikes during the late evening-early morning hours. RN last attacked US interests in Greece in November 2000 with two separate bombings against the Athens offices of Citigroup and the studio of a Greek/American sculptor. The group also detonated an explosive device outside the Athens offices of Texaco in December 1999. Greek targets have included court and other government office buildings, private vehicles, and the offices of Greek firms involved in NATO-related defense contracts in Greece. Similarly, the group has attacked European interests in Athens, including Barclays Bank in December 1998 and November 2000.

Revolutionary Organization 17 November (17 November)

Description

Radical leftist group established in 1975 and named for the student uprising in Greece in November 1973 that protested the military regime. Anti-Greek establishment, anti-US, anti-Turkey, anti-NATO, and committed to the ouster of US Bases, removal of Turkish military presence from Cyprus, and severing of Greece's ties to NATO and the European Union (EU).

Activities

Initial attacks were assassinations of senior US officials and Greek public figures. Added bombings in 1980s. Since 1990 has expanded targets to include EU facilities and foreign firms investing in Greece and has added improvised rocket attacks to its methods. Most recent attack claimed was the murder in June 2000 of British Defense Attaché Stephen Saunders


Revolutionary People's Liberation Party/Front (DHKP/C) a.k.a. Devrimci So, Revolutionary Left, Dev Sol

Description

Originally formed in 1978 as Devrimci Sol, or Dev Sol, a splinter faction of the Turkish People's Liberation Party/Front. Renamed in 1994 after factional infighting, it espouses a Marxist ideology and is virulently anti-US and anti-NATO. Finances its activities chiefly through armed robberies and extortion.

Activities

Since the late 1980s has concentrated attacks against current and retired Turkish security and military officials. Began a new campaign against foreign interests in 1990. Assassinated two US military contractors and wounded a US Air Force officer to protest the Gulf War. Launched rockets at US Consulate in Istanbul in 1992. Assassinated prominent Turkish businessman and two others in early 1996, its first significant terrorist act as DHKP/C. Turkish authorities thwarted DHKP/C attempt in June 1999 to fire light antitank weapon at US Consulate in Istanbul. Conducted its first suicide bombings, targeting Turkish police, in January and September 2001. Series of safehouse raids and arrests by Turkish police over last three years have weakened group significantly.

Revolutionary Proletarian Initiative Nuclei (NIPR)

Description


Clandestine leftist extremist group that appeared in Rome in 2000. Adopted the logo of the Red Brigades of the 1970s and 1980s—an encircled five-point star—for their declarations. Opposes Italy's foreign and labor polices.

Activities

Claimed responsibility for bomb attack in April 2001 on building housing a US-Italian relations association and an international affairs institute in Rome's historic center. Claimed to have carried out May 2000 explosion in Rome at oversight committee facility for implementation of the law on strikes in public services. Claimed responsibility for explosion in February 2002 on Via Palermo adjacent to Interior Ministry in Rome.

http://www.defenddemocracy.org/research_topics/research_topics_show.htm?doc_id=158407
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Che's Motorcycle Follies

 Che's Motorcycle Follies




Jaime Costas recently said Che “didn’t know how to ride a motorcycle!” And Jaime would know because he participated in Castro’s 1953 ill-fated assault on the Moncada Barracks and was aboard the Granma expedition with Ché Guevara, Castro and his brother Raul to infiltrate into Cuba to fight Batista.

Costas, now in his seventies, made that comment on September 29, 2004, in New York City during the presentation of his book of his memoirs answering a question from the audience about the movie “The Motorcycle Diaries” (Robert Redford, its executive producer, is an unapologetic Castro collaborator).

Costas knew Castro, Raúl and Ché personally for many years. He added that he “unequivocally” knows that detail because on various occasions he went motorcycling around Havana with Castro and his comrades and “Ché never went along with them even when asked to accompany them. All he did was sheepishly wave ‘good-bye’, because he didn’t know how to ride a motorcycle!”

A person present at this presentation commented, “Ah, the mythmaking of the left that ceaselessly lionizes Ché! Pretty soon, they'll have him coming down on a cloud!”

Another person acquainted with the history of the Cuban revolution said to me, “It is good to know that but please inform the Harley-Davidson Corporation before they put him [Ché] in a commercial.

“I might add that Dr. Guevara, like all his fellow comic-book characters, is essentially mythical, or at least fictional.

“Although he was there in person, Guevara was so disconnected from the actual facts of the so-called Cuban Revolution as to be, in a sense, quite pathetic. He interpreted a Cuban soap opera as if it had been the Iliad. He projected Mao's epic Long March onto the battle for the provincial capital of Santa Clara, Cuba, in effect a cakewalk made possible by the money with which Julio Lobo and other fellow Cuban magnates bought out Batista's miserable army.

“So, when he tried to replicate that in Bolivia and the Bolivian army fought back --incidentally, in far tougher terrain than Cuba's-- Guevara's operation rapidly unraveled and he ended up like a side of beef on the counter of a Bolivian kitchen, a fate none other of his fellow extreme leftie loonies has deemed fit to emulate.

“The problem with Guevara is that he is not a positive, life-enhancing myth, but a completely counterproductive one which feeds the worst and most destructive impulses in the Latin American mind --what I call ‘political sophomorism’ combined with an adolescent's grasp of the world and a nihilistic yearning for martyrdom (and even some good old fashioned Argentine necrophilia). Remember that Guevara's canonization began with that infamous shot of him dead, looking like Christ by Mantegna.

“Guevara was catastrophic for Cuba, and would have been catastrophic for Latin America but for his early transit.

“Guevara is actually laughable, and the sadness of it all is that no one has done to him what Michael Moore did to Bush, that is, a good spoof.

“We treat him like a legend, a Promethean, almost tragic figure, instead of what he really was: a no-good physician, a Mickey Mouse with a beret, an Argentine spoiled youngster that almost by accident walked into --we can no longer say he motorcycled his way into-- a political swindle aspiring to be called a revolution.

“Treat him for what he was --he even looked a bit like-- the Cuban Revolution's own Cantinflas.”

This comparison with Cantinflas, the late famous Mexican comic movie star, evoked my memories of when I met Ché Guevara in 1963 when I was in the cast of a movie being filmed in Cuba’s Sierra Maestra Mountains.

One afternoon Ché came to pay us a visit at the barracks we were staying. I was within a foot from him. And I was utterly disappointed by that unremarkable little man (who was very photogenic) and most women in Cuba at that time were fawning over him as some sort of movie star. Actually, his raggedy mustache was similar to the one sported by Cantinflas. I found him so uninteresting that in the diary I was keeping of those says I dedicated only one sentence to him.

The Washington Times in the Business section on September 25, 2004, pg. C10, published an article about Ché paraphernalia being offered for sale.

In addition of being offensive to Cuban Americans who knew who Ché really was, the article promoted and generated interest in those merchandises among the less informed, insensitive and ignorant Americans. Meanwhile, Hollywood is putting together yet another movie about Ché and Benicio del Toro, may be playing him.

I made the comment to an American friend as to how the left in America keeps offending Cuban Americans with impunity. I said, “Can you imagine what would happen if T-shirts, articles, books and movies idolizing Hitler were produced and promoted in the U.S.?”

He replied, “Well of course the neo-nazis have a lot of Hitler stuff you can buy on eBay.”

I said, “The difference between the neo-nazis on eBay and the cult of the criminal Ché, is that the later is in the main stream, in the open, from schools to universities and promoted by the media” --even by The Washington Times!

While, admittedly not as romantic as the myth, the reality about Ché is that he was unwanted by Castro and did not have any place to go. Castro sacrificed the inept Ché for his own personal and political benefit. He eliminated Ché from Cuba, enabling the creation of a false admirable myth that he must continuously, actively support in order to maintain and as a result make a lot of good propaganda and money for his regime. Castro turned a liability into an asset.

Ché has a long and documented criminal history. It was Ché, in the Sierra Maestra Mountains of Cuba, years before Castro’s 1959 triumph, who revealed his fascination with cruelty by asking to be the executioner who kept the troops in line.

At the onset of the revolution on January 1, 1959, Castro appointed Ché in charge of La Cabaña fortress in Havana. There, execution squads flourished under Ché’s command, assassinating, in mass, those perceived as enemies of the revolution. Ché ordered that women and children visiting his prisoners be paraded in front of the execution wall, gruesomely stained with blood and brain parts. All of this was well publicized in Cuba in order to spread fear throughout the population. The surviving ex-prisoners of the infamous La Cabaña fortress remember Ché as a “mass murderer.”

The myths that surround Ché are much more interesting than the man; problem is, they simply do not resemble reality.

In February 1959, Ché began training foreign guerrillas and terrorists in Cuba. His first guerrilla attack (planned with the brothers Fidel and Raúl Castro) was to “liberate” Panamá in April 1959. But by May 1, he suffered a humiliating defeat by Panamá’s National Guard. On June 14, 1959, Fidel Castro sent Ché’s guerrillas to the neighboring island of the Dominican Republic to fight against dictator Trujillo. But Che’s guerrillas again failed miserably.

After this second fiasco in June 1959, Castro sent Ché to tour third world countries. After his return, Castro put him in charge of the National Institute of Agrarian Reform (INRA), Industries Division and later, as President of the National Bank (where he signed the currency “Ché”). He proved himself inept for those assignments as well and Castro reassigned him again.

On October 29, 1959, Castro sent Ché to communist countries to establish commercial ties, negotiating the initially secret sale of sugar to the Soviet Union. He made trade agreements with Czechoslovakia, China and North Korea, announcing on September 10, 1960, that Cuba “had received arms from Czechoslovakia."

In 1965, Castro sent Ché as far away as possible. This time to “liberate” Africa. After Ché’s failure in Africa, he was summoned to Havana for two days of secret conversations with Castro. He was then sent back to Africa with 200 Cuban soldiers to help a Congolese leftist group. After he failed there, in late 1965, he secretly returned to Cuba, leaving his soldiers behind. Ché was kept hidden all through 1966.

Obviously, Castro needed to carefully get rid of him, but all of his attempts to get Ché involved in international wars of “liberation” and get him killed and converted into a martyr had failed.

As secretly as he returned to Cuba, Ché left again in September 1966, sent by Castro on another international mission. He went to Prague and then on to Paraguay, where disguised as a businessman, he traveled by plane to Bolivia.

Along with 17 Cubans (clandestinely smuggled into Bolivia), he began organizing a guerrilla movement. But he was able to recruit only 15 Bolivians. By the end of March 1967, Castro stopped supplying Ché’s guerrillas. The last contact with Havana was in July 1967.

Denounced by the peasants and Indians in the region (who never supported his intrusion), Ché and his guerrillas were finally apprehended by the Bolivian army on October 7, 1967. As we all know Che was executed and Castro at last had the martyr he was longing for. His amputated hand is proudly displayed in the Museum of the Revolution in Havana.

Out of Castro’s way, the cruel and inept Ché could be heralded now as a big hero. Finally, Castro was free to create an international legendary myth. Ché’s image flooded Cuba and posters began to appear in the domain of the academic left: colleges and universities of the U.S. and the free world in order to attract the romantics and uninformed. As with much communist misinformation, it worked! We still have fools displaying posters and wearing Ché’s junk offending his victims. For heavens sake, there is more hatred from the left in America directed against Richard Nixon, Ronald Reagan and George W. Bush than against a real bad guy and a mass murderer: Ché Guevara.

I have not seen in our learning centers an urge for romantic and misleading presentations about criminals like Charles Manson, David “Son of Sam” Berkowitz, John Wayne Gacy, Ted Bundy, Jeffrey Dahmer, etc. Why Ché
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The End of Bolivia?

The End of Bolivia?

By Michael Radu
FrontPageMagazine.com

December 23, 2005

If fascism is simply defined as statism plus racism and hatred of democracy, December 18 witnessed its coming to power in Bolivia, Latin America's poorest, as well as its most dysfunctional and unstable, country.

Since achieving independence in 1825, Bolivia has had 189 official military coups (one every 11 months, on average), and since 2000 it has had five presidents, two of whom were democratically elected and chased out of office by radical mobs led by Evo Morales, who on December 18 received a slight majority in the presidential election.So much for the Bolivians' thirst for democracy.

Judging by its voters' behavior Bolivia, which has a population of 9 million, seems interested in remaining South America's poorest country.

The country is both a major producer of coca and a loser in all its wars (most of which it started) against its five neighbors.In many ways it is a black hole in the heart of South America, which is precisely what makes it strategically important and explains Ernesto "Che" Guevara's having chosen it to jumpstart a communist revolution throughout the continent. Other than coca, Bolivia’s only major resource is the natural gas in the lowland departments of Santa Cruz, Beni and Tarija.To read more visit Frontpage

http://www.frontpagemag.com/Articles/ReadArticle.asp?ID=20657
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VIDEO: Inside the Real Cuba

 

VIDEO: Inside Cuba







Here's a good video on Cuba from Discovery Times Channel (the "Times" being the NY Times), not exactly a US propaganda station as people like "Socialist" and "Politburo" will try to claim.

From the Discovery Times Channel.

Economic woes plague the island 40 years after Fidel Castro takes power.

Part 1: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=YnOFYS6Tgtw

Part 2: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TO7otiSe4HE

Part 3: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=U5DL_usK9a4

Part 4: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zUpBpuBytfA

Part 5: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xGHwyAjjIGY

Total for all 5 parts is 45 minutes.

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The Killing Machine: Che Guevara, from Communist to Capitalist Brand

 

The Killing Machine: Che Guevara, from Communist to Capitalist Brand

By Alvaro Vargas Llosa

The New Republic

Che Guevara, who did so much (or was it so little?) to destroy capitalism, is now a quintessential capitalist brand. His likeness adorns mugs, hoodies, lighters, key chains, wallets, baseball caps, toques, bandannas, tank tops, club shirts, couture bags, denim jeans, herbal tea, and of course those omnipresent T-shirts with the photograph, taken by Alberto Korda, of the socialist heartthrob in his beret during the early years of the revolution, as Che happened to walk into the photographer’s viewfinder—and into the image that, thirty-eight years after his death, is still the logo of revolutionary (or is it capitalist?) chic. Sean O’Hagan claimed in The Observer that there is even a soap powder with the slogan “Che washes whiter.”

Che products are marketed by big corporations and small businesses, such as the Burlington Coat Factory, which put out a television commercial depicting a youth in fatigue pants wearing a Che T-shirt, or Flamingo’s Boutique in Union City, New Jersey, whose owner responded to the fury of local Cuban exiles with this devastating argument: “I sell whatever people want to buy.” Revolutionaries join the merchandising frenzy, too—from “The Che Store,” catering to “all your revolutionary needs” on the Internet, to the Italian writer Gianni Minà, who sold Robert Redford the movie rights to Che’s diary of his juvenile trip around South America in 1952 in exchange for access to the shooting of the film The Motorcycle Diaries so that Minà could produce his own documentary. Not to mention Alberto Granado, who accompanied Che on his youthful trip and advises documentarists, and now complains in Madrid, according to El País, over Rioja wine and duck magret, that the American embargo against Cuba makes it hard for him to collect royalties. To take the irony further: the building where Guevara was born in Rosario, Argentina, a splendid early twentieth-century edifice at the corner of Urquiza and Entre Ríos Streets, was until recently occupied by the private pension fund AFJP Máxima, a child of Argentina’s privatization of social security in the 1990s.

The metamorphosis of Che Guevara into a capitalist brand is not new, but the brand has been enjoying a revival of late—an especially remarkable revival, since it comes years after the political and ideological collapse of all that Guevara represented. This windfall is owed substantially to The Motorcycle Diaries, the film produced by Robert Redford and directed by Walter Salles. (It is one of three major motion pictures on Che either made or in the process of being made in the last two years; the other two have been directed by Josh Evans and Steven Soderbergh.) Beautifully shot against landscapes that have clearly eluded the eroding effects of polluting capitalism, the film shows the young man on a voyage of self-discovery as his budding social conscience encounters social and economic exploitation—laying the ground for a New Wave re-invention of the man whom Sartre once called the most complete human being of our era.

But to be more precise, the current Che revival started in 1997, on the thirtieth anniversary of his death, when five biographies hit the bookstores, and his remains were discovered near an airstrip at Bolivia’s Vallegrande airport, after a retired Bolivian general, in a spectacularly timed revelation, disclosed the exact location. The anniversary refocused attention on Freddy Alborta’s famous photograph of Che’s corpse laid out on a table, foreshortened and dead and romantic, looking like Christ in a Mantegna painting.

It is customary for followers of a cult not to know the real life story of their hero, the historical truth. (Many Rastafarians would renounce Haile Selassie if they had any notion of who he really was.) It is not surprising that Guevara’s contemporary followers, his new post-communist admirers, also delude themselves by clinging to a myth—except the young Argentines who have come up with an expression that rhymes perfectly in Spanish: “Tengo una remera del Che y no sé por qué,” or “I have a Che T-shirt and I don’t know why.”


Consider some of the people who have recently brandished or invoked Guevara’s likeness as a beacon of justice and rebellion against the abuse of power. In Lebanon, demonstrators protesting against Syria at the grave of former prime minister Rafiq Hariri carried Che’s image. Thierry Henry, a French soccer player who plays for Arsenal, in England, showed up at a major gala organized by FIFA, the world’s soccer body, wearing a red and black Che T-shirt. In a recent review in The New York Times of George A. Romero’s Land of the Dead, Manohla Dargis noted that “the greatest shock here may be the transformation of a black zombie into a righteous revolutionary leader,” and added, “I guess Che really does live, after all.” The soccer hero Maradona showed off the emblematic Che tattoo on his right arm during a trip where he met Hugo Chávez in Venezuela. In Stavropol, in southern Russia, protesters denouncing cash payments of welfare concessions took to the central square with Che flags. In San Francisco, City Lights Books, the legendary home of beat literature, treats visitors to a section devoted to Latin America in which half the shelves are taken up by Che books. José Luis Montoya, a Mexican police officer who battles drug crime in Mexicali, wears a Che sweatband because it makes him feel stronger. At the Dheisheh refugee camp on the West Bank, Che posters adorn a wall that pays tribute to the Intifada. A Sunday magazine devoted to social life in Sydney, Australia, lists the three dream guests at a dinner party: Alvar Aalto, Richard Branson, and Che Guevara. Leung Kwok-hung, the rebel elected to Hong Kong’s Legislative Council, defies Beijing by wearing a Che T-shirt. In Brazil, Frei Betto, President Lula da Silva’s adviser in charge of the high-profile “Zero Hunger” program, says that “we should have paid less attention to Trotsky and much more to Che Guevara.” And most famously, at this year’s Academy Awards ceremony Carlos Santana and Antonio Banderas performed the theme song from The Motorcycle Diaries, and Santana showed up wearing a Che T-shirt and a crucifix. The manifestations of the new cult of Che are everywhere. Once again the myth is firing up people whose causes for the most part represent the exact opposite of what Guevara was.


No man is without some redeeming qualities. In the case of Che Guevara, those qualities may help us to measure the gulf that separates reality from myth. His honesty (well, partial honesty) meant that he left written testimony of his cruelties, including the really ugly, though not the ugliest, stuff. His courage—what Castro described as “his way, in every difficult and dangerous moment, of doing the most difficult and dangerous thing”—meant that he did not live to take full responsibility for Cuba’s hell. Myth can tell you as much about an era as truth. And so it is that thanks to Che’s own testimonials to his thoughts and his deeds, and thanks also to his premature departure, we may know exactly how deluded so many of our contemporaries are about so much.

Guevara might have been enamored of his own death, but he was much more enamored of other people’s deaths. In April 1967, speaking from experience, he summed up his homicidal idea of justice in his “Message to the Tricontinental”: “hatred as an element of struggle; unbending hatred for the enemy, which pushes a human being beyond his natural limitations, making him into an effective, violent, selective, and cold-blooded killing machine.” His earlier writings are also peppered with this rhetorical and ideological violence. Although his former girlfriend Chichina Ferreyra doubts that the original version of the diaries of his motorcycle trip contains the observation that “I feel my nostrils dilate savoring the acrid smell of gunpowder and blood of the enemy,” Guevara did share with Granado at that very young age this exclamation: “Revolution without firing a shot? You’re crazy.” At other times the young bohemian seemed unable to distinguish between the levity of death as a spectacle and the tragedy of a revolution’s victims. In a letter to his mother in 1954, written in Guatemala, where he witnessed the overthrow of the revolutionary government of Jacobo Arbenz, he wrote: “It was all a lot of fun, what with the bombs, speeches, and other distractions to break the monotony I was living in.”

Guevara’s disposition when he traveled with Castro from Mexico to Cuba aboard the Granma is captured in a phrase in a letter to his wife that he penned on January 28, 1957, not long after disembarking, which was published in her book Ernesto: A Memoir of Che Guevara in Sierra Maestra: “Here in the Cuban jungle, alive and bloodthirsty.” This mentality had been reinforced by his conviction that Arbenz had lost power because he had failed to execute his potential enemies. An earlier letter to his former girlfriend Tita Infante had observed that “if there had been some executions, the government would have maintained the capacity to return the blows.” It is hardly a surprise that during the armed struggle against Batista, and then after the triumphant entry into Havana, Guevara murdered or oversaw the executions in summary trials of scores of people—proven enemies, suspected enemies, and those who happened to be in the wrong place at the wrong time.

In January 1957, as his diary from the Sierra Maestra indicates, Guevara shot Eutimio Guerra because he suspected him of passing on information: “I ended the problem with a .32 caliber pistol, in the right side of his brain.... His belongings were now mine.” Later he shot Aristidio, a peasant who expressed the desire to leave whenever the rebels moved on. While he wondered whether this particular victim “was really guilty enough to deserve death,” he had no qualms about ordering the death of Echevarría, a brother of one of his comrades, because of unspecified crimes: “He had to pay the price.” At other times he would simulate executions without carrying them out, as a method of psychological torture.

Luis Guardia and Pedro Corzo, two researchers in Florida who are working on a documentary about Guevara, have obtained the testimony of Jaime Costa Vázquez, a former commander in the revolutionary army known as “El Catalán,” who maintains that many of the executions attributed to Ramiro Valdés, a future interior minister of Cuba, were Guevara’s direct responsibility, because Valdés was under his orders in the mountains. “If in doubt, kill him” were Che’s instructions. On the eve of victory, according to Costa, Che ordered the execution of a couple dozen people in Santa Clara, in central Cuba, where his column had gone as part of a final assault on the island. Some of them were shot in a hotel, as Marcelo Fernándes-Zayas, another former revolutionary who later became a journalist, has written—adding that among those executed, known as casquitos, were peasants who had joined the army simply to escape unemployment.


But the “cold-blooded killing machine” did not show the full extent of his rigor until, immediately after the collapse of the Batista regime, Castro put him in charge of La Cabaña prison. (Castro had a clinically good eye for picking the right person to guard the revolution against infection.) San Carlos de La Cabaña was a stone fortress used to defend Havana against English pirates in the eighteenth century; later it became a military barracks. In a manner chillingly reminiscent of Lavrenti Beria, Guevara presided during the first half of 1959 over one of the darkest periods of the revolution. José Vilasuso, a lawyer and a professor at Universidad Interamericana de Bayamón in Puerto Rico, who belonged to the body in charge of the summary judicial process at La Cabaña, told me recently that

Che was in charge of the Comisión Depuradora. The process followed the law of the Sierra: there was a military court and Che’s guidelines to us were that we should act with conviction, meaning that they were all murderers and the revolutionary way to proceed was to be implacable. My direct superior was Miguel Duque Estrada. My duty was to legalize the files before they were sent on to the Ministry. Executions took place from Monday to Friday, in the middle of the night, just after the sentence was given and automatically confirmed by the appellate body. On the most gruesome night I remember, seven men were executed.

Javier Arzuaga, the Basque chaplain who gave comfort to those sentenced to die and personally witnessed dozens of executions, spoke to me recently from his home in Puerto Rico. A former Catholic priest, now seventy-five, who describes himself as “closer to Leonardo Boff and Liberation Theology than to the former Cardinal Ratzinger,” he recalls that

there were about eight hundred prisoners in a space fit for no more than three hundred: former Batista military and police personnel, some journalists, a few businessmen and merchants. The revolutionary tribunal was made of militiamen. Che Guevara presided over the appellate court. He never overturned a sentence. I would visit those on death row at the galera de la muerte. A rumor went around that I hypnotized prisoners because many remained calm, so Che ordered that I be present at the executions. After I left in May, they executed many more, but I personally witnessed fifty-five executions. There was an American, Herman Marks, apparently a former convict. We called him “the butcher” because he enjoyed giving the order to shoot. I pleaded many times with Che on behalf of prisoners. I remember especially the case of Ariel Lima, a young boy. Che did not budge. Nor did Fidel, whom I visited. I became so traumatized that at the end of May 1959 I was ordered to leave the parish of Casa Blanca, where La Cabaña was located and where I had held Mass for three years. I went to Mexico for treatment. The day I left, Che told me we had both tried to bring one another to each other’s side and had failed. His last words were: “When we take our masks off, we will be enemies.”

How many people were killed at La Cabaña? Pedro Corzo offers a figure of some two hundred, similar to that given by Armando Lago, a retired economics professor who has compiled a list of 179 names as part of an eight-year study on executions in Cuba. Vilasuso told me that four hundred people were executed between January and the end of June in 1959 (at which point Che ceased to be in charge of La Cabaña). Secret cables sent by the American Embassy in Havana to the State Department in Washington spoke of “over 500.” According to Jorge Castañeda, one of Guevara’s biographers, a Basque Catholic sympathetic to the revolution, the late Father Iñaki de Aspiazú, spoke of seven hundred victims. Félix Rodríguez, a CIA agent who was part of the team in charge of the hunt for Guevara in Bolivia, told me that he confronted Che after his capture about “the two thousand or so” executions for which he was responsible during his lifetime. “He said they were all CIA agents and did not address the figure,” Rodríguez recalls. The higher figures may include executions that took place in the months after Che ceased to be in charge of the prison.

Which brings us back to Carlos Santana and his chic Che gear. In an open letter published in El Nuevo Herald on March 31 of this year, the great jazz musician Paquito D’Rivera castigated Santana for his costume at the Oscars, and added: “One of those Cubans [at La Cabaña] was my cousin Bebo, who was imprisoned there precisely for being a Christian. He recounts to me with infinite bitterness how he could hear from his cell in the early hours of dawn the executions, without trial or process of law, of the many who died shouting, ‘Long live Christ the King!’”


Che’s lust for power had other ways of expressing itself besides murder. The contradiction between his passion for travel—a protest of sorts against the constraints of the nation-State—and his impulse to become himself an enslaving state over others is poignant. In writing about Pedro Valdivia, the conquistador of Chile, Guevara reflected: “He belonged to that special class of men the species produces every so often, in whom a craving for limitless power is so extreme that any suffering to achieve it seems natural.” He might have been describing himself. At every stage of his adult life, his megalomania manifested itself in the predatory urge to take over other people’s lives and property, and to abolish their free will.

In 1958, after taking the city of Sancti Spiritus, Guevara unsuccessfully tried to impose a kind of sharia, regulating relations between men and women, the use of alcohol, and informal gambling—a puritanism that did not exactly characterize his own way of life. He also ordered his men to rob banks, a decision that he justified in a letter to Enrique Oltuski, a subordinate, in November of that year: “The struggling masses agree to robbing banks because none of them has a penny in them.” This idea of revolution as a license to re-allocate property as he saw fit led the Marxist Puritan to take over the mansion of an emigrant after the triumph of the revolution.

The urge to dispossess others of their property and to claim ownership of others’ territory was central to Guevara’s politics of raw power. In his memoirs, the Egyptian leader Gamal Abdel Nasser records that Guevara asked him how many people had left his country because of land reform. When Nasser replied that no one had left, Che countered in anger that the way to measure the depth of change is by the number of people “who feel there is no place for them in the new society.” This predatory instinct reached a pinnacle in 1965, when he started talking, God-like, about the “New Man” that he and his revolution would create.

Che’s obsession with collectivist control led him to collaborate on the formation of the security apparatus that was set up to subjugate six and a half million Cubans. In early 1959, a series of secret meetings took place in Tarará, near Havana, at the mansion to which Che temporarily withdrew to recover from an illness. That is where the top leaders, including Castro, designed the Cuban police state. Ramiro Valdés, Che’s subordinate during the guerrilla war, was put in charge of G-2, a body modeled on the Cheka. Angel Ciutah, a veteran of the Spanish Civil War sent by the Soviets who had been very close to Ramón Mercader, Trotsky’s assassin, and later befriended Che, played a key role in organizing the system, together with Luis Alberto Lavandeira, who had served the boss at La Cabaña. Guevara himself took charge of G-6, the body tasked with the ideological indoctrination of the armed forces. The U.S.-backed Bay of Pigs invasion in April 1961 became the perfect occasion to consolidate the new police state, with the rounding up of tens of thousands of Cubans and a new series of executions. As Guevara himself told the Soviet ambassador Sergei Kudriavtsev, counterrevolutionaries were never “to raise their head again.”


“Counterrevolutionary” is the term that was applied to anyone who departed from dogma. It was the communist synonym for “heretic.” Concentration camps were one form in which dogmatic power was employed to suppress dissent. History attributes to the Spanish general Valeriano Weyler, the captain-general of Cuba at the end of the nineteenth century, the first use of the word “concentration” to describe the policy of surrounding masses of potential opponents—in his case, supporters of the Cuban independence movement—with barbed wire and fences. How fitting that Cuba’s revolutionaries more than half a century later were to take up this indigenous tradition. In the beginning, the revolution mobilized volunteers to build schools and to work in ports, plantations, and factories—all exquisite photo-ops for Che the stevedore, Che the cane-cutter, Che the clothmaker. It was not long before volunteer work became a little less voluntary: the first forced labor camp, Guanahacabibes, was set up in western Cuba at the end of 1960. This is how Che explained the function performed by this method of confinement: “[We] only send to Guanahacabibes those doubtful cases where we are not sure people should go to jail ... people who have committed crimes against revolutionary morals, to a lesser or greater degree.... It is hard labor, not brute labor, rather the working conditions there are hard.”

This camp was the precursor to the eventual systematic confinement, starting in 1965 in the province of Camagüey, of dissidents, homosexuals, AIDS victims, Catholics, Jehovah’s Witnesses, Afro-Cuban priests, and other such scum, under the banner of Unidades Militares de Ayuda a la Producción, or Military Units to Help Production. Herded into buses and trucks, the “unfit” would be transported at gunpoint into concentration camps organized on the Guanahacabibes mold. Some would never return; others would be raped, beaten, or mutilated; and most would be traumatized for life, as Néstor Almendros’s wrenching documentary Improper Conduct showed the world a couple of decades ago.


So Time magazine may have been less than accurate in August 1960 when it described the revolution’s division of labor with a cover story featuring Che Guevara as the “brain” and Fidel Castro as the “heart” and Raúl Castro as the “fist.” But the perception reflected Guevara’s crucial role in turning Cuba into a bastion of totalitarianism. Che was a somewhat unlikely candidate for ideological purity, given his bohemian spirit, but during the years of training in Mexico and in the ensuing period of armed struggle in Cuba he emerged as the communist ideologue infatuated with the Soviet Union, much to the discomfort of Castro and others who were essentially opportunists using whatever means were necessary to gain power. When the would-be revolutionaries were arrested in Mexico in 1956, Guevara was the only one who admitted that he was a communist and was studying Russian. (He spoke openly about his relationship with Nikolai Leonov from the Soviet Embassy.) During the armed struggle in Cuba, he forged a strong alliance with the Popular Socialist Party (the island’s Communist Party) and with Carlos Rafael Rodríguez, a key player in the conversion of Castro’s regime to communism.

This fanatical disposition made Che into a linchpin of the “Sovietization” of the revolution that had repeatedly boasted about its independent character. Very soon after the barbudos came to power, Guevara took part in negotiations with Anastas Mikoyan, the Soviet deputy prime minister, who visited Cuba. He was entrusted with the mission of furthering Soviet-Cuban negotiations during a visit to Moscow in late 1960. (It was part of a long trip in which Kim Il Sung’s North Korea was the country that impressed him “the most.”) Guevara’s second trip to Russia, in August 1962, was even more significant, because it sealed the deal to turn Cuba into a Soviet nuclear beachhead. He met Khrushchev in Yalta to finalize details on an operation that had already begun and involved the introduction of forty-two Soviet missiles, half of which were armed with nuclear warheads, as well as launchers and some forty-two thousand soldiers. After pressing his Soviet allies on the danger that the United States might find out what was happening, Guevara obtained assurances that the Soviet navy would intervene—in other words, that Moscow was ready to go to war.

According to Philippe Gavi’s biography of Guevara, the revolutionary had bragged that “this country is willing to risk everything in an atomic war of unimaginable destructiveness to defend a principle.” Just after the Cuban missile crisis ended—with Khrushchev reneging on the promise made in Yalta and negotiating a deal with the United States behind Castro’s back that included the removal of American missiles from Turkey—Guevara told a British communist daily: “If the rockets had remained, we would have used them all and directed them against the very heart of the United States, including New York, in our defense against aggression.” And a couple of years later, at the United Nations, he was true to form: “As Marxists we have maintained that peaceful coexistence among nations does not include coexistence between exploiters and the exploited.”

Guevara distanced himself from the Soviet Union in the last years of his life. He did so for the wrong reasons, blaming Moscow for being too soft ideologically and diplomatically, for making too many concessions—unlike Maoist China, which he came to see as a haven of orthodoxy. In October 1964, a memo written by Oleg Daroussenkov, a Soviet official close to him, quotes Guevara as saying: “We asked the Czechoslovaks for arms; they turned us down. Then we asked the Chinese; they said yes in a few days, and did not even charge us, stating that one does not sell arms to a friend.” In fact, Guevara resented the fact that Moscow was asking other members of the communist bloc, including Cuba, for something in return for its colossal aid and political support. His final attack on Moscow came in Algiers, in February 1965, at an international conference, where he accused the Soviets of adopting the “law of value,” that is, capitalism. His break with the Soviets, in sum, was not a cry for independence. It was an Enver Hoxha–like howl for the total subordination of reality to blind ideological orthodoxy.


The great revolutionary had a chance to put into practice his economic vision—his idea of social justice—as head of the National Bank of Cuba and of the Department of Industry of the National Institute of Agrarian Reform at the end of 1959, and, starting in early 1961, as minister of industry. The period in which Guevara was in charge of most of the Cuban economy saw the near-collapse of sugar production, the failure of industrialization, and the introduction of rationing—all this in what had been one of Latin America’s four most economically successful countries since before the Batista dictatorship.

His stint as head of the National Bank, during which he printed bills signed “Che,” has been summarized by his deputy, Ernesto Betancourt: “[He] was ignorant of the most elementary economic principles.” Guevara’s powers of perception regarding the world economy were famously expressed in 1961, at a hemispheric conference in Uruguay, where he predicted a 10 percent rate of growth for Cuba “without the slightest fear,” and, by 1980, a per capita income greater than that of “the U.S. today.” In fact, by 1997, the thirtieth anniversary of his death, Cubans were dieting on a ration of five pounds of rice and one pound of beans per month; four ounces of meat twice a year; four ounces of soybean paste per week; and four eggs per month.

Land reform took land away from the rich, but gave it to the bureaucrats, not to the peasants. (The decree was written in Che’s house.) In the name of diversification, the cultivated area was reduced and manpower distracted toward other activities. The result was that between 1961 and 1963, the harvest was down by half, to a mere 3.8 million metric tons. Was this sacrifice justified by progress in Cuban industrialization? Unfortunately, Cuba had no raw materials for heavy industry, and, as a consequence of the revolutionary redistribution, it had no hard currency with which to buy them—or even basic goods. By 1961, Guevara was having to give embarrassing explanations to the workers at the office: “Our technical comrades at the companies have made a toothpaste ... which is as good as the previous one; it cleans just the same, though after a while it turns to stone.” By 1963, all hopes of industrializing Cuba were abandoned, and the revolution accepted its role as a colonial provider of sugar to the Soviet bloc in exchange for oil to cover its needs and to re-sell to other countries. For the next three decades, Cuba would survive on a Soviet subsidy of somewhere between $65 billion and $100 billion.


Having failed as a hero of social justice, does Guevara deserve a place in the history books as a genius of guerrilla warfare? His greatest military achievement in the fight against Batista—taking the city of Santa Clara after ambushing a train with heavy reinforcements—is seriously disputed. Numerous testimonies indicate that the commander of the train surrendered in advance, perhaps after taking bribes. (Gutiérrez Menoyo, who led a different guerrilla group in that area, is among those who have decried Cuba’s official account of Guevara’s victory.) Immediately after the triumph of the revolution, Guevara organized guerrilla armies in Nicaragua, the Dominican Republic, Panama, and Haiti—all of which were crushed. In 1964, he sent the Argentine revolutionary Jorge Ricardo Masetti to his death by persuading him to mount an attack on his native country from Bolivia, just after representative democracy had been restored to Argentina.

Particularly disastrous was the Congo expedition in 1965. Guevara sided with two rebels—Pierre Mulele in the west and Laurent Kabila in the east—against the ugly Congolese government, which was sustained by the United States as well as by South African and exiled Cuban mercenaries. Mulele had taken over Stanleyville earlier before being driven back. During his reign of terror, as V.S. Naipaul has written, he murdered all the people who could read and all those who wore a tie. As for Guevara’s other ally, Laurent Kabila, he was merely lazy and corrupt at the time; but the world would find out in the 1990s that he, too, was a killing machine. In any event, Guevara spent most of 1965 helping the rebels in the east before fleeing the country ignominiously. Soon afterward, Mobutu came to power and installed a decades-long tyranny. (In Latin American countries too, from Argentina to Peru, Che-inspired revolutions had the practical result of reinforcing brutal militarism for many years.)

In Bolivia, Che was defeated again, and for the last time. He misread the local situation. There had been an agrarian reform years before; the government had respected many of the peasant communities’ institutions; and the army was close to the United States despite its nationalism. “The peasant masses don’t help us at all” was Guevara’s melancholy conclusion in his Bolivian diary. Even worse, Mario Monje, the local communist leader, who had no stomach for guerrilla warfare after having been humiliated at the elections, led Guevara to a vulnerable location in the southeast of the country. The circumstances of Che’s capture at Yuro ravine, soon after meeting the French intellectual Régis Debray and the Argentine painter Ciro Bustos, both of whom were arrested as they left the camp, was, like most of the Bolivian expedition, an amateur’s affair.

Guevara was certainly bold and courageous, and quick at organizing life on a military basis in the territories under his control, but he was no General Giap. His book Guerrilla Warfare teaches that popular forces can beat an army, that it is not necessary to wait for the right conditions because an insurrectional foco (or small group of revolutionaries) can bring them about, and that the fight must primarily take place in the countryside. (In his prescription for guerrilla warfare, he also reserves for women the roles of cooks and nurses.) However, Batista’s army was not an army, but a corrupt bunch of thugs with no motivation and not much organization; and guerrilla focos, with the exception of Nicaragua, all ended up in ashes for the foquistas; and Latin America has turned 70 percent urban in these last four decades. In this regard, too, Che Guevara was a callous fool.


In the last few decades of the nineteenth century, Argentina had the second-highest growth rate in the world. By the 1890s, the real income of Argentine workers was greater than that of Swiss, German, and French workers. By 1928, that country had the twelfth-highest per capita GDP in the world. That achievement, which later generations would ruin, was in large measure due to Juan Bautista Alberdi.

Like Guevara, Alberdi liked to travel: he walked through the pampas and deserts from north to south at the age of fourteen, all the way to Buenos Aires. Like Guevara, Alberdi opposed a tyrant, Juan Manuel Rosas. Like Guevara, Alberdi got a chance to influence a revolutionary leader in power—Justo José de Urquiza, who toppled Rosas in 1852. And like Guevara, Alberdi represented the new government on world tours, and died abroad. But unlike the old and new darling of the left, Alberdi never killed a fly. His book, Bases y puntos de partida para la organización de la República Argentina, was the foundation of the Constitution of 1853 that limited government, opened trade, encouraged immigration, and secured property rights, thereby inaugurating a seventy-year period of astonishing prosperity. He did not meddle in the affairs of other nations, opposing his country’s war against Paraguay. His likeness does not adorn Mike Tyson’s abdomen.

http://cheguevaralies.blogspot.com/2006/08/killing-machine-che-guevara-from.html
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Alvaro Vargas Llosa is a Senior Fellow and director of The Center on Global Prosperity at the Independent Institute. He is the author of Liberty for Latin America.
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Black Gop Candidates for 06

 

Black Gop Candidates for 06

ALABAMA

Jeffery Ray Jones for Alabama Senate District 33

Tim Bryson for Probate Judge of Walker County

ARKANSAS

Chris Morris for Arkansas State Treasurer

Alphonso Nation, Arkansas Representative District 6

AMERICAN SAMOA
Amata Aumua for US Congress

COLORADO
Senator Ed Jones re-elect to Colorado State Senate District 11

DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA
Marcus Skelton for At-Large City Council

Tony Williams for DC Council Ward 6

Dennis Moore For Mayor

FLORIDA
Representative Jennifer S. Carroll to re-elect to FL House District 13
Eddie Adams, Jr. for US Congress (FL 11)
Gwen ("Dr. Gwen") J. Chandler for Jacksonville City Council
Cain Davis for Florida House District 23
JoAnn E. Gillespie for Florida House District 15
Ken Anthony for Hillsborough County Commission District 3
Donald Foy for Florida House
Willis "K.C." Bowick for Florida House District 59

Armando R. Grundy-Gomés for Escambia Soil and Water Board, Group 2

GEORGIA
Representative Melvin Everson re-elect to Georgia House District 106
Representative Willie Talton re-elect to Georgia House District 145
Deborah Honeycutt For US Congress (GA 13th)

Catherine Davis For US Congress (GA 4th)

Mary Wilhite For Georgia House District 22

ILLINOIS
Eric Wallace, PhD for Illinois State Senate District 19

Marc A. Wiley for Illinois State House District 80

Karl J. Cook for Illinois State House District 38

INDIANA
Eric Dickerson for US Congress (IN-7)

LOUISIANA
Benita Williams Scott for Assessor 5th Municipal District (Algiers)

David Parker for District E in New Orleans

MARYLAND
Lt. Governor Michael Steele for US Senate

Ron Miller for Maryland Senate 27th district

Rene Swafford, Anne Arundel County Council Candidate

Monifais Tarjamo,Charles County Commissioner

Loretta Gaffney, Maryland House of Delegates District 13

MASSACHUSETTS
Bob Parks for Massachusetts State House 2nd Franklin District

MICHIGAN
Keith Butler for US Senate

Senator Bill Hardiman re-elect to Michigan Senate District 29

Larry DeShazor State Representative District 61

Keith Butler for US Senate
Senator Bill Hardiman re-elect to Michigan Senate District 29
Larry DeShazor for State Representative District 61
Charity Jones for State Representative District 6
Melvin Byrd for State Representative District 8
Joel Wilson for State Representative District 95
Edith Floyd for State Representative District 2

MINNESOTA

Obi Sium for US Congress (MN 4th)

MISSISSIPPI
Yvonne R. Brown for US Congress (MS-2)

MISSOURI
State Representative Sherman Parker for US Congress (MO-2)

NEVADA
Senator Maurice Wasington re-elect to Nevada Senate District 11

Lynette Boggs McDonald, Clark County Commission

NEW YORK
Jim Coleman for NY State Assembly 88th district

NORTH CAROLINA
Dr. Ada M. Fisher For US Congress (NC-12)

Vernon Robinson For US Congress (NC-13)
Olga Morgan Wright for General Assembly House District 58
Jim H Bention Sr., For North Carolina State House District 69

Olga Morgan Wright, for North Carolina General Assembly District 58

OHIO
Secretary of State Ken Blackwell for Govenor of Ohio

Jimmie Hicks, Jr. For Ohio State House District 9

OREGON
Bruce Broussard for Oregon for US Congress (OR-3)
Senator Jackie Winters re-elect for Oregon State State District 10

PENNSYLVANIA
Lynn Swann for Governor of Pennsylvania
Ron Holt for Pennsylvania State Senate District 4

RHODE ISLAND
Lloyd Monre for State Senate District 18

TENNESSEE
Novella Smith Arnold for Shelby County County Commission

Derrick Bennett for US Congress (TN 9th)

TEXAS
Michael Williams re-elect to Texas Railroad Commissioner
Ken Bryant for Texas House District 27

VERMONT
State Auditor Randolph D. Brock, III re-elect as State Auditor of Accounts


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